Expansion of the Coalition Information Loop to Include Canada’s Investment Firms;
and the Edification of Big Business and Banks Continues
© 2009 Brad Kempo B.A. LL.B.
Barrister & Solicitor
Arguably no one constituent of any modern, sophisticated, post-industrial capitalist economy is more critical than the investment sector. It’s where start-ups to mature business get their funding, the former to begin and the latter to expand and diversify. Thus it was natural while edifying the largest companies in the country that firms offering investment services also be brought into the information loop; as much to choke off funds to the China complicit and loyal as to provide advanced notice of what the coalition seeks to achieve viz. reform, accountability and demilitarization.
There is so many more of ‘us’ than there are of ‘them’ that the wider the dissemination loop is the less ground they have to effect their nefarious policies, practices and interests. That was the case during the coalition building effort; the same is true in Canada.
Contacting Canadian big business and the banks continued through December, as documented in three previous supplementals (1, 2, 3). Next to be edified were:
Bank of CanadaJohn (Jusseup General Counsel & Corporate Secretary)
Bank of Montreal (Simon Fish, Vice-President & General Counsel)
The Cadillac Fairview Corporation Limited (Rory Dyck, Counsel)
Viterra, Inc. (Raymond Dean, Senior Vice President & General Counsel)
Beginning in early December firms offering funding or services to obtain it were contacted and provided an ‘overview’ of what the Fiefdom treatise discovered and what was delivered to the RCMP that sparked the short-lived Security of Information Act investigation. The correspondence infra was sent to each on this list.
Not until a Board of Directors offers an assurance of confidentiality will any recipient gain access to the coalition website.
CIT Corporate Finance, Canada (Brian Kelling Sr. VP & Chief Legal Counsel; Peter Dorsey, Asst. General Counsel)
Raymond James (Sharon Morrisseau, General Counsel & Paul Allison, Board of Directors, Industry Investment Association of Canada)
Merrill Lynch Canada Inc. (Lynn Patterson, President & Industry Investment Association of Canada Board of Directors,; and Mark Dickerson Chief Counsel)
Industry Investment Association of Canada (Ian Bruce, President)
AIMCo (Carol Hunt, Alex Ragan & Jeff Wispinski, Counsel)
JOG Capital Inc. (Ryan Crawford, Managing Director & the Board of Directors)
Yellow Point Equity Partners (Tyler Smyrski, CFO and Brian Begert & David Chapman, Managing Partners)
GMP Capital Inc. (Harris Fricker, President & Vice-Chairman; Industry Investment Association of Canada, Director)
32 Degrees Capital (Trent Baker CFA CA, Vice President)
FirstEnergy Capital Corp. (John Chambers, President, Managing Director; Industry Investment Association of Canada, Director)
Mancal Corporation (Graham R. Bennett, Senior Vice President, Law and Corporate Services)
GrowthWorks (Jim Heppell BSc., LL.B., President)
Birch Hill Equity Partners (Lori Evans, Counsel)
Ken Fowler Enterprises (Bruce Campbell, Vice-President)
Clairvest Group Inc. (Heather Crawford, Corporate Counsel)
Cordiant (Bertrand Millot, Vice President, Portfolio Management)
Callisto Capital (Blake Sumler, Sr. Vice-President)
CAI Capital Management Co. (Simon Romano, Barrister & Solicitor)
Alberta Enterprise Corporation (Paul Haggis, Chairman of the Board)
EdgeStone Capital Partners (Leslie Giller, Counsel)
Invico Capital Corporation (Jason Brooks, President, Allison Taylor, Executive VP, & Jonathan See, Senior Associate)
Brad Kempo B.A. LL.B.
Barrister & Solicitor [Alberta, Inactive]
914 – 950 Drake Avenue
Vancouver, British Columbia,
Canada V6Z 2B9
Ph. 604.609.0520
bkempo@hotmail.com
December X, 2009
Canadian Investment Corporation
Address
NATIONAL SECURITY PRIVILEGED / CONFIDENTIAL
Attention: XXXXXXXXXXXXX
Via e-mail: xxxxxxxxxxxxx
Dear X:
Re: Systemic Security of Information Act & UN Charter Violations, Actions to be Undertaken by the International Community to Address Same
This is to advise that I act in an agency capacity for a conglomerate of international public and private sector parties. This correspondence provides general information for your board’s edification.
In September 2008 the RCMP's National Security Division (or INSET - Integrated National Security Enforcement Teams) launched an investigation into nationwide systemic government corruption, criminality and human right violations pursuant to The Security of Information Act (s. 20-23). Because of the national security dimension, these facts and circumstances could not nor ever can be publicized. Therefore, the only way to generate the kind of collective awareness that would to lead to accountability and reform was to contact those in government and the three constituents of the administration of justice (Bench, Bar and law enforcement) on an individual basis – now around 1,500 officials, recommend to each that an independent assessment be made and wider due diligence conducted; then consult with colleagues and counterparts across the country to develop a consensus on how to proceed to address these matters.
The Act states:
20. (1) Every person commits an offence who, at the direction of, for the benefit of or in association with a foreign entity […], induces or attempts to induce, by threat, accusation, menace or violence, any person to do anything or to cause anything to be done
(a) that is for the purpose of increasing the capacity of a foreign entity […] to harm Canadian interests; or
(b) that is reasonably likely to harm Canadian interests.
(3) Every person who commits an offence under subsection (1) is guilty of an indictable offence and is liable to imprisonment for life.
21. (1) Every person commits an offence who, for the purpose of enabling or facilitating an offence under this Act, knowingly harbours or conceals a person whom he or she knows to be a person who has committed or is likely to commit an offence under this Act.
(2) Every person who commits an offence under subsection (1) is guilty of an indictable offence and is liable to imprisonment for a term of not more than 10 years.
22. (1) Every person commits an offence who, for the purpose of committing an offence under subsection 16(1) or (2), 17(1), 19(1) or 20(1), does anything that is specifically directed towards or specifically done in preparation of the commission of the offence, including
(a) entering Canada at the direction of or for the benefit of a foreign entity, […] or a foreign economic entity;
(b) obtaining, retaining or gaining access to any information;
(c) knowingly communicating to a foreign entity […] or a foreign economic entity the person’s willingness to commit the offence; [and]
(d) at the direction of, for the benefit of or in association with a foreign entity […] or a foreign economic entity, asking a person to commit the offence
(2) Every person who commits an offence under subsection (1) is guilty of an indictable offence and is liable to imprisonment for a term of not more than two years.
23. Every person commits an offence who conspires or attempts to commit, is an accessory after the fact in relation to or counsels in relation to an offence under this Act and is liable to the same punishment and to be proceeded against in the same manner as if he or she had committed the offence.
-------------------------------------
2. (1) In this Act,
“foreign entity” means
(a) a foreign power,
[...]
(c) a person acting at the direction of, for the benefit of or in association with a foreign power
“foreign power” means
(a) the government of a foreign state,
3. (1) For the purposes of this Act, a purpose is prejudicial to the safety or interests of the State if a person
(a) commits, in Canada, an offence against the laws of Canada or a province that is punishable by a maximum term of imprisonment of two years or more in order to advance a political, religious or ideological purpose, objective or cause or to benefit a foreign entity or terrorist group;
(b) commits, inside or outside Canada, a terrorist activity;
(c) causes or aggravates an urgent and critical situation in Canada that
(i) endangers the lives, health or safety of Canadians, or ii) threatens the ability of the Government of Canada to preserve the sovereignty, security or territorial integrity of Canada;
[...]
(i) impairs or threatens the capabilities of the Government of Canada in relation to security and intelligence;
(j) adversely affects the stability of the Canadian economy, the financial system or any financial market in Canada without reasonable economic or financial justification;
Annexed to the complaint filed through the office of RCMP Superintendent Mike Aubry, Officer-in-Charge, Employee and Management Relations, in May '08 was the results of a three year research project compiling evidence of the origins of this systemic malfeasance, how it operated and who the primary parties were and continue to be.
The dissemination initiative was first launched in August '07 seeking to create that collective awareness hoping doing so would lead to achieving my clients' objectives of reform and accountability and addressing illegalities involving Canada's thirty-five year relationship with China. The dissemination initiative was completed in July '09. They were seeking a ‘Made in Canada’ solution. To date there is none and from all appearance there never will be.
The initiative's purposes were to provide full transparency with respect to these publicly unaware illegalities amongst the non-complicit, what my clients' objectives are and the tactics to be employed to achieve them. They wanted everyone in government and the administration of justice to be cognizant of the facts and circumstances submitted to the RCMP so all could participate in reform and accountability.
The RCMP investigation was terminated in March 2009 as a result of government and top-level law enforcement interference. Doing so further justified my clients’ intervention in the otherwise sovereign affairs of the nation. What originally validated the decision to effect a complete deconstruction and reconstitution of the Canadian system of governance and economy was because a politically and geo-politically bias Federal Court protected China’s secret de facto governance status and militarization of the country by dismissing a lawsuit that claimed damages for violations of the Act and what the RCMP sought to investigate.
Lemieux J. sustained the federal government defendant’s claim of ‘national security’ privilege, unjustifiably balancing competing interests in favor of the state – preferring to protect the institutionalization of corruption, criminality and human rights violations and China’s interests in the country than fulfill the judiciary’s role of protecting sovereignty, the constitution and individuals from abuses of political, bureaucratic, law enforcement and corporate power:
After applying and weighing these factors, I am satisfied on the evidence before me, the importance of disclosing the redacted information does not outweigh the public interest in keeping that information from disclosure. As to the nature of the public interest sought to be protected, the redacted information relates to how CSIS, Canada’s intelligence service, operates. Clearly, as I have found, such disclosure is injurious to the public interest. I adopt the words chosen by Justice MacKay in Singh (J.B.) v. Canada (Attorney General), [2000] F.C.J. No. 1007, a case where the R.C.M.P. Public Complaints Commission sought disclosure of documents related to the 1997 APEC Conference. Justice MacKay, at paragraph 32, stated:
The public interest served by maintaining secrecy in the national security context is weighty. In the balancing of public interests here at play, that interest would only be outweighed in a clear and compelling case for disclosure. [emphasis mine]
The Justice also sustained the other production of documents confidentiality claim, ‘injury to international relations’, which was an implicit confession on the court record that a foreign government was involved in the facts that supported multiple causes of action. The privilege exists in access to information legislation: a government can withhold sensitive documents claiming to release them to the public would ‘injure Canada’s relations with a foreign government’.
The case was dismissed on a technicality before getting to discoveries; and not once, given some half dozen opportunities, did defendant’s counsel cross-examine on affidavits, leaving the plaintiff’s credibility in tact. That unchallenged credibility was critical in my clients’ assessment of what was alleged.
Behind the ‘injury to international relations’ privilege claim was the establishment of Chinese de facto governance through an early 1970s geo-political alliance with this country’s political and corporate leadership. This relationship led to, inter alia, China’s representatives being at the cabinet table federally and provincially and the infiltration of the Chinese military industrial complex into the fabric of Canadian governance.
One of the defining moments in the research project was reviewing a study jointly conducted by CSIS and the RCMP in the mid-1990s, completed in 1997 and then buried by the Chrétien government. You will find the original text of The Sidewinder Report here:
http://www.primetimecrime.com/Articles/RobertRead/Sidewinder%20page%201.htm
As the report documents, throughout the 1980s and 1990s not only the Beijing leadership and the richest tycoons of that totalitarian country like Li Ka-Sing, but also Chinese criminal organizations have purchased large swaths of the Canadian economy and used their wealth to gain political influence across the country to the detriment of our national and economic security. The accumulation of evidence about Chinese de facto sovereignty-sharing and militarization was overwhelming.
Immigration policy was secretly formulated to allow upwards of a million members of the Chinese military and intelligence establishments to take residence here. That is why the Chinese are the country’s largest minority – even surpassing aboriginals. Canada not having the Chinese government’s “Approved Destination Status” (which strictly regulates citizens’ mobility abroad like the Soviets did behind the ‘Iron Curtain’) means high-ranking members of the PRC’s military and intelligence emigrated to the country and fused with the military, security apparatus and law enforcement.
The question the research project had to answer was ‘why did this happen?’. The project reconstructed from the history books how this country’s system of governance evolved over two centuries.
Discovering what the research treatise calls the ‘Ottawa-Toronto-Montreal triangle of power and wealth’ – that cluster of political dynastic families, super wealthy individuals and families and the largest corporations in the land – it was determined that collectively and conspiratorially the operators of this ‘triangle’ had over generations hijacked Canada’s system of government through the institutionalization of nepotism and patronage. These are some of the signposts of this phenomenon in the 19th and 20th century:
Prior to 1837 both Upper Canada and Lower Canada were plagued with patronage, nepotism and corruption. Only those with the closest ties to government prospered. The rest were shut out of decision making and full participation in their own country's administration.
Source: Hansard, Mr. Rahim Jaffer (Edmonton—Strathcona, Canadian Alliance), January 29, 2000
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MacEwan quotes [lawyer, politician and Chief Justice Sir Frederick William Alpin Gordon] Haultain as saying [in the late 1800s] on his return to the West, "The Government has been acting like a big pig trying to keep the little pigs from the trough."
Source: David Kilgour MP (Lib. Edmonton SE) website
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This corruption of the mind has been well described as the arrogance of power, and Liberal ministers are not immune from this near-universal human failing. Louis St-Laurent’s minister of trade and commerce, C.D. Howe, once actually taunted the opposition about their powerlessness to prevent the Liberal government from doing whatever it wanted. “Who’s to stop us?” he asked – not rhetorically – 1951.
Source: The Perils of a One-Party State and the Consequences of Perpetual Liberal Rule, Peter G. White and Adam Daifallah (March 2004)
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[Truedau’s] last weeks in office were marked by one of the greatest ever orgy of patronage appointments (146 in two days alone). He still managed to leave 17 other senior positions to be filled by Turner, his successor, who did so, claiming during that epic TV debate, that he had “no option”. .”
Source: Liberals at the Abyss: Paul Marin may be unable to navigate the Chrétien ‘puddle of sleaze’, Maclean’s, Peter C. Newman
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During the [1990s] Liberal decade of drift, the ugly face of nepotism has returned to Canadian government, this time stronger than ever. The Liberal Party of Canada has replaced the chateau clique and the family compact.
Source: Hansard, Mr. Rahim Jaffer (Edmonton—Strathcona, Canadian Alliance), January 29, 2000
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The long Liberal hegemony in Ottawa has created a small, self-perpetuating oligarchy or aristocracy of governors, from which the vast majority of Canadians are permanently excluded and to which only bona fide members of the Liberal Party may expect to accede. Since power in the Liberal Party is concentrated in Ontario and Quebec, the source of all its leaders, or even more narrowly in Toronto and Montreal, few outsiders need apply.
Source: The Perils of a One-Party State and the Consequences of Perpetual Liberal Rule
The same clique of evermore politically affluent and wealthy families successfully ruled Canada throughout the 20th century due to ever-increasing concentrations of power and prosperity. The said institutionalization, combined with the Liberals governing for some 75% of the last century, led to the complete consolidation of political authority – one that shared attributes with the 'totalitarian' paradigm of governance – and shielded by a cleverly manufactured façade of democratic respectability. PM Trudeau upon taking office looked across the entire political, military, administration of justice and corporate landscapes and saw nothing but Liberals or closet Liberals and realizing there was no dissent, opposition or accountability, began to implement domestic policies that benefited the parochial interests of the wealthy and spread the detriments of those advantages across the entire population. One of the pillars of his domestic policy was economy monopolization.
As the reigns of governance were transferred from one generation to the next the new members of the triangle elite looked at what their parents and grandparents got away with and pushed the envelope of corruption, criminality and impropriety to the point where by the early 1980s the country’s leadership was clinically sociopathic. All officials in institutions of accountability were appointed by the elite so they could protect government officials, DND, the RCMP, CSIS, police and the corporate wealthy from being held to account as they were instruments of sustaining political power consolidation, wealth accumulation and then Chinese de facto governance and militarization.
The embezzlement of Canada’s vast wealth followed; not only to satisfy uncontrollably addictions for more wealth, but also to fund Beijing’s Soviet-style imperialism.
As a result of how the self-serving interests of the triangle elite evolved over two centuries there was an ideological affinity amongst political and corporate leaders with the communists in the early 1970s and a distaste to the point of hostility for the United States and NATO alliance. Trudeau gravitated towards Castro and Mao at the height of the Cold War – a heretical foreign policy during that period of world history.
The research discovered that Americans considered Trudeau a communist:
Canada and the World: A History
Department of Foreign Affairs and International Trade on Prime Minister Trudeau (1968 – 1984)
[B]ilateral tensions that had plagued Canada-U.S. relations in the 1960s spilled over into the 1970s and 1980s. Trudeau and American President Richard Nixon, who met for the first time in 1969, did not like each other…
[…] Trudeau was too much of a pacifist and a leftist for the Americans, some of whom considered him little more than a communist. He did nothing to change this perception… […] [I]n 1972, Nixon declared that the special relationship between Canada and the United States was dead. "It is time for us to recognize," he stated, "that we have very separate identities; that we have significant differences.
The Sidewinder Report is a rare and valuable window into the secret world of cabinet policy and decision-making on federal and provincial levels over some three and a half decades. The five months of research that followed the study’s review discovered the root causes for what was claimed in the Federal Court litigation, why not challenging credibility wasn’t fatal to the defendant and why the cause was so quickly dismissed. Chief and associate chief justices were appointed on the basis of their staunch loyalty to the non-transparent dimension of governance; proving to the international community just how failed and rogue the Canadian state was. Once the court system proved loyal to violations of The Security of Information Act, the Criminal Code and international conventions, there was justification under international law to intervene in Canada’s otherwise sovereign affairs.
The research project closely examined members of the so-called ‘triangle:
Puppets of Beijing
by Kevin Steel
Western Standard News
May 30, 2005
Back in the days of Chairman Mao, when China's economy was still heavily agrarian and backwardly collectivist, the future prime minister was already planting the seeds of commerce. "I first came to China in 1972, during the waning years of the Cultural Revolution. I was in business then," Martin said, in a Jan. 21 speech in Beijing. At the time, the aspiring businessman was working for Power Corporation of Canada, a firm with $16 billion in revenues controlled by Montreal's powerful Desmarais family. It was clearly an eye-opening experience because he's been making deals in China ever since. Canada Steamship Lines, the gargantuan shipping company Martin purchased from Power Corp. in the eighties, that is now run by his children, has taken advantage of China's cheap workers to build ships. Three CSL container ships were built in the Jiangnan Shipyard, controlled by the People's Liberation Army. A fourth was refurbished in Shanghai. Martin actually owns 35 per cent of China's Tangshan Jinshan Marine Co.
On the evidence there is no room for doubt where PM Martin’s geo-political loyalties were since entering politics:
The former deck-hand who bought the company
Paul Martin will be the first Canadian prime minister with a true, blue-ribbon background in business
by Glen McGregor
Ottawa Citizen
November 4, 2003
[…]
Another avenue the opposition may choose to explore is the links between the new prime minister and his legions of political donors, who have contributed an astounding $11 million to fund Mr. Martin's leadership campaign. […] The donors' list shows that Mr. Martin's support from the business world is transnational, with Chinese billionaire Li Ka Shing and Hong Kong airline operate David TK Ho donors to the Martin leadership campaign, through Canadian companies.
The country’s most politically affluent and wealthy corporations and families have intimate ties with China’s political elite (and its military industrial complex):
Canadian Connection
by Mark Steyyn
The Western Standard
March 23, 2005
[T]he few who do know [Paul Desmarais] know him as the kingmaker behind Trudeau, Mulroney, Chrétien and Martin.
His brother, Andre Desmarais, is the current Honourary Chairman, President and Chief Executive Officer and Chairman of the Executive Committee of the Canada Chinese Business Council. Mr. Desmarais was granted the Order of Canada.
The nexus between Canadian political power, vast wealth and China’s Canada agenda indisputably resides in particular in the Desmarais family.
In 1969, Power Corporation took a controlling-share in CSL. On December 2, 1970, Paul Martin, the 32-year old executive assistant to Power Corporation Chief Executive Officer Maurice Strong, was appointed to the CSL board of directors.
Source: wikipedia.com
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Joint declaration by Canada and China
Government of Canada Privy Council Office
January 20, 2005
The Prime Minister of Canada, the Right Honourable Paul Martin, and the Premier of the State Council of the People’s Republic of China, His Excellency Wen Jiabao, today held bilateral discussions in Beijing.
These discussions have further cemented the relationship between our countries –a mature relationship based on friendship and mutual respect, and one which has brought substantial benefits and increased prosperity for citizens of both our countries.
Address by Prime Minister Paul Martin to the Canada-China Business Council Dinner
January 21, 2005
Beijing, China
It is a great pleasure to have the opportunity to again address the Canada-China Business Council, this time here in Beijing, where so many of you are achieving success. The CCBC embodies the longstanding and rapidly growing commercial connection between China and Canada – a relationship that offers benefits to the people of both nations, and symbolizes our shared desire to pursue and capitalize on the great potential that remains untapped.
Let me begin this evening by saying that I have had a busy and productive time in Beijing. I want to thank my hosts, President Hu and Premier Wen, for their warm welcome, for their gracious hospitality and for our discussions – which were thoughtprovoking, fruitful and candid. Tonight, I’d like to tell you how I see Canada-China relations – now and in the years to come.
I first came to China in 1972, during the waning years of the Cultural Revolution. I was in business then. At that time, China was a mystery to me and to much of the western world, an exotic stranger. I have come back many times since. I’ve watched the evolution and growth of this great country.
Premier Wen Jiabao and Prime Minister Paul Martin Exchange Congratulatory Messages on the Occasion of the 35th Anniversary of the Establishment of Diplomatic Relations Between China and Canada
chinaembassycanada.org
October 13, 2005
On October 13, Premier Wen Jiabao and Prime Minister Paul Martin exchanged congratulatory messages on the occasion of the 35th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Canada.
The Following is the message from Premier Wen Jiabao to Prime Minister Paul Martin:
On the occasion of the 35th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and Canada, I would like to extend, on behalf of the Chinese Government and people and in my own name, my warmest congratulations to you, and through you to your government and people.
35 years ago, the joint efforts of the leaders of the two countries opened a historic chapter in China-Canada relations. The past 35 years witnessed the rapid development of bilateral relations, featuring frequent exchanges at all levels, fruitful results in cooperation in areas ranging from economy and trade to science and technology, education and culture, as well as close consultations and coordination on major international and regional issues.
During President HU Jintao's state visit to Canada not long ago, the two sides agreed to upgrade the relationship to a level of strategic partnership, which will open up even broader prospects for the development of our bilateral relations. This move meets the needs of the common interests and the wishes of the two peoples, and also makes an important contribution to the stability and prosperity of the Asia-Pacific region. We would like to make use of this opportunity to work together with the Canadian side to further the bilateral cooperation in all areas and constantly enrich and deepen China-Canada strategic partnership.
Added to The Sidewinder Report about ‘triangle’ operators facilitating the institutionalization of corruption and criminality in Canada is this:
Ottawa and Beijing: a Sad Story
by Robin Mathews
Asia Pacific Post
[…]
A July 2003, U.S. Federal Research Division, Library of congress report called “Asian Criminal and Terrorist Activity in Canada, 1999-2002,” is very clear on the matter. It reports that “Ethnic Chinese triads, gangs, and syndicates have set up vast operations in Canada and constitute the greatest criminal threats in Canada. These Asian groups are involved in a wide variety of criminal activities, primarily in larger population centers.” (p. 38)
During the closing event of the Liberal Party Convention on December 2, 2006, PM Chrétien confessed to government's trans-ideological commitment to embedding Chinese interests in the fabric of Canadian society. It resulted because of the …
…work started in 1970 by Pierre Trudeau, followed by Brian Mulroney, by Paul Martin and by myself.
[…]
[O]ne day in front of thousands of people in the Great Hall in Beijing, [the] Premier … said “Canada is the best friend of China”.
What is referred to and quoted herein is only a small sampling of the evidence that was compiled during the research project.
In many instances owners and executives of the largest companies in the country are members of other corporate boards and of private sector associations. The research treatise argues the following about assessing culpability under The Security of Information Act:
To determine how connected to a person is to and knowledgeable about a country’s governing faction and the super wealthy, an analysis needs to look closely not only at nepotism and patronage driven appointments, but also and as importantly with whom an individual is linked to through associations, organizations and societies. Since national, regional and local communities are comprised of social networks in and through which the agendas and business of government and corporate activity are conducted and advanced, discovering who are on boards reveals what the network is capable of procuring, pursuing, protecting and achieving because of interlinking spheres of control and influence. Since membership in Canada’s federal, provincial and municipal governments and the administration of justice are all tightly controlled through the micro-management of upward mobility opportunities, who someone is linked to through these associations betrays what and how much he or she knows about and contributed to the non-transparent constituent of governance.
The foregoing is a global overview of political and geo-political circumstances. Because of the national security interests of my international public sector clients, full disclosure will only be provided upon a verbal assurance of confidentiality. If this is not forthcoming said proof will be provided in due course when these interests are not jeopardized.
Many Canadian corporations are now being edified, including those operating in the investment sector; seeking to create in the private sector what was achieved in the public sector and the administration of justice’s three constituents (Bench, Bar and law enforcement) during the last two years. A collective awareness is essential for several reasons, including delivering formal notice of my clients’ intention to effect fundamental structural reform of governance and where in the private sector there is complicity and loyalty to the China agenda changes in ownership, management and operations.
If you have any questions or concerns, do not hesitate to contact me.
Best regards,
Brad Kempo
Barrister & Solicitor [Alberta, Inactive]
